Stavros Tsakyrakis Proportionality: An Assault on Human Rights?

European Union

Jean Monnet Chair

THE JEAN MONNET PROGRAM

Professor J.H.H.Weiler

European Union Jean Monnet Chair

Jean Monnet Working Paper 09/08

Stavros Tsakyrakis

Proportionality: An Assault on Human Rights?

NYU School of Law  New York, NY 10012

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© Stavros Tsakyrakis 2008

New York University School of Law

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AUTHOR, TITLE, JEAN MONNET WORKING PAPER NO./YEAR [URL]

PROPORTIONALITY: AN ASSAULT ON HUMAN RIGHTS?

Stavros Tsakyrakis¹

Abstract

Balancing is the main method used by a number of constitutional courts around the world to resolve conflicts of fundamentals rights. The European Court of Human Rights is routinely balancing human rights against each other and against conflicting public interests and has elevated proportionality to the status of a basic principle of interpretation of the European Convention on Human Rights. The paper examines the debate on balancing in the context of American constitutional law and the Convention, and discusses theories which claim that some form of balancing is inherent in human rights adjudication. It argues that proportionality constitutes a misguided quest for precision and objectivity in the resolution of human rights disputes and suggests that courts should instead focus on the real moral issues underlying such disputes.

¹ Associate Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Athens; Senior Emily Noël fellow at the Jean Monnet Center 2007-08. stavros.tsakyrakis@gmail.com. I am grateful to Sarah Barringer Gordon, Mattias Kumm, Michel Rosenfeld and Joseph Weiler for valuable comments and discussions. I am also grateful to Nicholas Hatzis and Dimitris Kyritsis for comments of earlier drafts.

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Introduction

Balancing is in vogue outside of the United States. In Europe, Canada, India, South Africa and elsewhere courts invoke balancing as the proper method of human rights adjudication. The European Court of Human Rights, is by its own admission, routinely balancing human rights against each other and against conflicting public interests and, in many countries, proportionality has been implicitly elevated to a basic constitutional principle. Not only the world outside of the United States is in the age of balancing but there is a marked complacency about it.² There are theories which do not simply claim that balancing is the proper way of resolving human rights issues but they claim it is the only way, and this, they argue, because the very concept of human rights implies balancing, is inseparable from it.³

Are we really facing a novel and radical method of human rights adjudication or do we, on the contrary, reinvent old theories and concerns? I will argue that balancing in the form of proportionality is nothing else but the perennial quest of investing adjudication with precision and objectivity. And, as such, it is vulnerable to some well known arguments and concerns which the American debate on balancing has revealed.

I. The American debate on balancing

What is so appealing about balancing? It is a powerful metaphor that claims to capture the right method of decision making as a whole.⁴ According to this metaphor, rational people place on one side of the scale the considerations in favor of a course of action, on the other side the considerations against it, they weigh them and they come up with a decision that follows the outcome of the balance. The metaphor is sufficiently vague to include a great variety of reasoning and human actions. Should I go to the movies tonight or not? In order to make up my mind and act accordingly I will probably have to do some kind of reasoning. One way to

²  The phrase “age of balancing” is of T. Alexander Aleinkoff, Constitutional Law in the Age of Balancing, Yale L.J.943 (1987).

³   See DAVID M. BEATTY, THE ULTIMATE RULE OF LAW (Oxford University Press, 2004), ROBERT ALEXY, A THEORY OF CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS, (Oxford University Press, 2002).

⁴ The metaphor goes at least as back as the ancient Greeks who used to depict the goddess of divine law and order Themis as a blindfolded woman holding a pair of scales and cornucopia. The correlation of the scale with justice has an obvious ideological message.

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describe this reasoning is to say that I balance the pros and the cons of going to the movies and if the former outweigh the latter I will go, if not I will stay home.

In a sense, balancing appears to be the basic way of reasoning and certainly the basic way of practical reasoning. This seems plausible only on the assumption that every thought or choice we make is (or maybe represented as being) in conflict with its opposite. The idea of everything in constant conflict with its opposite (something analogous of the Hegelian idea that every thesis has to be confronted with an antithesis) has the great appeal of simplicity and all inclusiveness. Every course of action can be represented as the outcome of a conflict between itself and its opposite. And every choice we make can be depicted as in conflict with countless alternatives; going to the movies is in conflict with a myriad of other activities I can pursue. The conflicts, especially those who concern courses of action, demand some kind of resolution. The method of balancing the pros and the cons of a choice seems to be a natural and reasonable method of resolution.

Simplicity and all inclusiveness are not the only appeals of balancing. The metaphor suggests also precision. We weigh things and our decisions have the precision that metric weighing produces. The scale as a symbol of justice expresses the ancient and well-known quest of investing judicial judgments with the precision of natural sciences.

Why the American adjudication has resisted the appeal of balancing? The reason is that it was tested in the context of a powerful right, freedom of speech, and was found problematic as a method of adjudication. In fact the issue was openly debated in the realm of the First Amendment with the famous dispute between Justice Black on the one side and Justices Frankfurter and Harlan on the other over the meaning of freedom of speech. The dispute was often presented as one between absolutists against balancers. The stubborn insistence of Justice Black on the absolute character of the First Amendment was an easy target for the balancers who, confident that there is no such thing as an absolute right, were quick to reach the conclusion that balancing was unavoidable.

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But Justice Black as well as many scholars fiercely criticized the balancing approach, thereby revealing the ambiguity of the metaphor in many respects. They pointed out that it is not clear what is weighed (interests, principles, rights, considerations), how it is weighted (with what metric) and who is doing (or should do) the balancing (judges or legislators).

To the question of what is weighted Justice Frankfurter replied that it is interests that are weighted: “The demands of free speech in a democratic society as well as the interests in national security are better served by candid and informed weighing of competing interests, within the confines of the judicial process, than by announcing dogmas too inflexible for the non-Euclidean problems to be solved”.⁵ The same answer was given by Justice Harlan: “Where First Amendment rights are asserted to bar governmental interrogation resolution of the issue always involves a balancing by the courts of the competing private and public interests at stake in the particular circumstances”⁶

The view that constitutional rights are nothing but private interests whose protection depends every time upon the balancing against competing public interests in reality renders the Constitution futile. Indeed if constitutional rights protect the same kind of interests as those of the government, and if the protection depends on considerations of some kind of relative “weight” of the conflicting interests, it follows that the protection accorded by the Constitution can never be stable but is always conditional on various circumstances and depends on the outcome of balancing. On this view it is not only doubtful whether the Constitution is some kind of law that includes stable and knowable propositions but simply renders the same idea of the Constitution futile. Laurent Frantz has made both of these claims when he was provocatively asking if the First Amendment was law at all⁷ and consequently was asserting that “The balancing test assures us little, if any, more freedom of speech than we should have had if the first amendment had never been adopted”.⁸

⁵ Dennis v. United States 341 U.S. 494, 524-25 (1951)

⁶ Barenblatt v. United States 360 U.S. 109 (1959).

⁷ Laurent B. Frantz, Is the First Amendment Law? – A Reply to Professor Mendelson, 51 CAL. L. REV. 729 (1963); see also Laurent B. Frantz, The First Amendment in the Balance, 71 Yale L.J. 1424 (1962); Wallace Mendelson, On the Meaning of the First Amendment: Absolutes in the Balance, 50 CAL. L. REV. 821 (1962); Louis Henkin, Infallibility Under Law: Constitutional Balancing, 78 COLUM. L. REV. 1024 (1978)

⁸ Laurent B. Frantz, The First Amendment in the Balance, 71 Yale L. J. 1424. 1448 (1962)

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It should be noted that in the crudest balancer’s view, there cannot be any concept of fundamental rights having priority over other considerations. Interests protected by rights enter in the scale on a par with other interests that individuals or the government have. On this account, the interests of the majority tend to outweigh the interests of individuals and minorities. It is not surprising that, under the balancing approach, the outcome of most free speech cases that involved communist speech during the Cold War turned out against freedom of speech.⁹

The critics of balancing never accepted the either/or framing of the issue, that is either rights are absolute or balancing is unavoidable. They insisted, that without some kind of definition (categorization), the whole idea of rights is without any meaning and they stressed that the ambiguity of balancing reaches every single element in the process: what should the metric be and who ought to do it.

The most effective critique of balancing concerns the assumption of a common metric in the weighing process. The metaphor says nothing about how various interests are supposed to be weighted and this silence reflects the impossibility of measuring incommensurable values by introducing a mechanistic, quantitative common metric.¹⁰ The only way to attempt the introduction of a common metric is to subscribe to some form of utilitarianism, that is, to a moral theory which assumes that all interests are ultimately reducible to some common metric (money or happiness or pleasure) and that, once translated into this common metric, they can be measured against each other. But, this would be a high-risk strategy. For one thing, it seems to make our theory of constitutional adjudication stand or fall on the right answer to an extremely vexing and controversial question in moral philosophy. Besides, if we decide to go down this road, we strip the balancing approach of much of its theoretical motivation. Arguably, balancing

⁹  “I think it is more than mere coincidence that in the overwhelming majority of the major free speech cases in which the ad hoc balancing approach has been applied, the weighing of interests has come out on the side which opposes freedom of speech” Melville B. Nimmer, The Right to Speak from Times to Time: First Amendment Theory Applied to Libel and Misapplied to Privacy, 56 CAL. L. R. 935, 939-40 (1968). Of course this does not mean that balance always tends to favor restriction of rights. See Kathleen Sullivan, Post-Liberal Judging: the Roles of Categorization and Balancing, 63 U. COLO. L. REV. 293 (1992) and Robert Nagel, Liberals and Balancing, 63 U. COLO. L. REV. 319 (1992)

¹⁰“The concept of “balancing” is itself both a metaphor and an abstraction. The metaphor is ambiguous. It describes both a process of measuring competing interests to determine which is “weightier” and a particular substantive outcome characterized as a “balance” of competing interests. The abstract concept of balancing, furthermore, tells us nothing about which interests, rights, or principles get weighted or how weights are assigned. Paul W. Kahn, The Court, The Community and the Judicial Balance: the Jurisprudence of Justice Powell, 97 Yale L.J. 1, (1987)

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makes sense only against the backdrop of a variety of conflicting values. If all values are reducible to a common metric, the problem that gave rise to the need for a balancing method dissolves.

Finally, the third point of criticism contests the legitimacy of judicial balancing. Assuming that human rights protection is the result of balancing interests, it is to wonder whether judges should perform it instead of legislators. What is the aim of judicial review? Is it to replicate or supervise the balancing of the legislators? Or is it constrained by an overarching requirement of judicial deference, as Justice Frankfurter, a keen balancer himself, was arguing?

Free speech cases are not an exception to the principle that we are not legislators, that direct policy-making is not our province. How best to reconcile competing interests is the business of legislatures and the balance they strike is a judgment not to be displaced by ours, but to be respected unless outside the pale of fair judgment.¹¹

And even more clearly:

Primary responsibility for adjusting the interests which compete in the situation before us of necessity belongs to the Congress.¹²

If we are not going to take metaphors very seriously,¹³ we must start by altogether rejecting the myth of mathematical precision. Whatever else it may be, it is quite certain that judicial reasoning has nothing to do with going to the grocer’s. Very few, if any, genuine and important values are amenable to any meaningful form of quantification. And, even if they were, balancing them out would further require coming up with a way to compare their respective “weights”, which hardly anyone but the most hard-nosed utilitarian would think is more than a chimera. In this sense, Justice Scalia is merely scoring an easy point, when he is saying that we cannot compare the length of a line with the heaviness of a rock.¹⁴

¹¹Dennis v. United States, 341 U.S. 494, 539-40 (1951)

¹²Id at 525

¹³ Frank N. Coffin urges us to remember the warning of Professor Shapiro: “Lawyers in general, and judges in particular, coin or adopt metaphors and then forget that they are only metaphors”. Frank N. Coffin, Judicial Balancing: the Protean Scales of Justice, 63 N.Y.U. L. REV. 4, 16 (1988)

¹⁴ Bendix Autolite Corp. v. Midwesco Enters, 486 U.S. 888, 897 (1988) (Scalia, J. concurring). See Frederick Schauer, Commensurability and Its Constitutional Consequences, 45 HASTING LAW JOURNAL, 785, 787 (1994):

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It is important to ward off a possible misunderstanding at this point. Scalia’s statement might be taken to suggest that values are incommensurable in the sense that we could never rationally adjudicate between them, put differently, that we could never have rational grounds to prefer one over the other. This is not the position I will be defending. Rather, I want to side with Jeremy Waldron who argues that belief in such a “strong” incommensurability would lead to total agnosticism about morality, which goes against our most-strongly held intuitions about morality and the point of moral reasoning. Instead, Waldron has argued in favor of a “weak” incommensurability, which, while it acknowledges the lack of a common metric for “balancing”, nevertheless permits us to bring values into relation with each other¹⁵. He suggests that we do this intuitively when we say things like: “any reasonable person can see that saving an innocent child from a painful death is to have priority over the preservation of the statue that has fallen on top of her”.¹⁶ He also suggests that we do it by reasoning, that is when we relate values, when we propose ways of ordering them and putting them into a system. That is exactly, says Waldron, what Rawls, Dworkin or even Nozick do, when they insist on the lexical priority of basic liberties, on the rights as trumps or side constraints.¹⁷

The idea of putting values in an order and assign priorities between them is also a way of reasoning about more ordinary courses of action. I don’t go to the movies when I have a class and there is no balancing taking place in this case. Going to the movies is simply ruled out because having a class enjoys higher priority or, put differently, trumps the consideration of going to the movies. Now one could describe the reasoning of relating values or having priorities as some kind of balancing. In fact, Waldron maintains that “often when people talk about weighing or balancing one value, principle, or consideration against another, what they mean is not necessarily Benthamite quantification but any form of reasoning or argumentation about the

“no one contends that length and weight can be reduced to a single measure, any more than people contend that color and smell can be measured along a unitary metric.”

¹⁵ “In a case of weak incommensurability –and this is why I call it “weak”- the values can be brought into relation with one another.” Jeremy Waldron, Fake Incommensurability: A Response to Professor Schauer, 45 HASTINGS LAW JOURNAL, 813, 817 (1994)

¹⁶Id. at 818

¹⁷ Id. at 818-821. Waldron refers to RONALD DWORKIN, TAKING RIGHTS SERIOUSLY (Harvard University Press 1977), ROBERT NOZICK, ANARCHY, STATE AND UTOPIA (Basic Books, Inc. 1974), JOHN RAWLS, A THEORY OF JUSTICE (Harvard University Press 1971)

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values in question.”¹⁸ He goes on to say that for “most ordinary people” elaborated moral arguments like those of Dworkin or Rawls seem like balancing. And because our moral reasoning certainly includes considerations in favor or against an argument his conclusion is that “the reasoned articulation of our moral principles and priorities inescapably involves what ordinary people might regard as weighing and balancing”.¹⁹

The question is whether “weighing” or “balancing”, even taken in a broad sense, are any good in characterizing human rights adjudication. In theory, keeping in mind that they are just metaphors, there is no reason to exclude them as shortcuts for describing the judicial process. But, in practice, the term “balancing” has become tantamount to the principle of proportionality, that is, a specific test which pretends to balance values avoiding any moral reasoning. In fact the principle of proportionality, bypassing any discourse on priorities, pretends to resolve conflicts of values by assessing the degree of their relative coexistence. The values of human rights for example do not enjoy any priority on other public interests. They compete in par scale with them.²⁰ They may prevail when the public interest can be attained with a less restrictive measure, but they may be curtailed when the measure seems proportional to the objective.

More precisely the principal of proportionality consists in a three prong test that assesses a) whether a measure interfering with a right is suitable to achieve its objective, b) whether it is necessary for that purpose and c) whether it excessively burdens the individual compared with the benefits it aims to secure.²¹ Since rarely measures are totally irrational and it is always possible to argue that they are suitable and necessary to accomplish a legitimate aim, the test rarely fails on the first two counts, so essentially is reduced to “measure” the relative intensity of the interference with the importance of the aim sought. The principle of proportionality assumes that conflicts of values can be reduced to issues of intensity or degree and, more importantly, it further assumes that intensity and degree can be measured with a common metric (something

¹⁸Id. at 819

¹⁹Id. at 821

²⁰     “[…]the conception of proportionality that predominates in continental European contexts is rooted in an assumption that rights and other interests are formally indistinguishable” Julian Rivers, Proportionality and Variable Intensity of Review, 65 CAMBRIDGE LAW JOURNAL 174, 180 (2006).

²¹  “The principle of proportionality consists of three sub-principles: the principle of suitability, of necessity, and of proportionality in the narrow sense.” Robert Alexis, Constitutional Rights, Balancing, and Rationality, 16 RATIO JURIS 135 (2003)

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like a natural force) and that process reveals the solution to the conflict of values. Thus it pretends to be objective, neutral and totally extraneous to any moral reasoning.

Now, while one might accept the idea of commensurability of values in the ambit of a moral discourse, there is no way to accept that values are indeed commensurable without a moral argument, which relates them and justifies priorities. If the moral discourse is lacking, there is no way to demonstrate that values are indeed commensurable and it therefore makes no sense to pretend that the principle of proportionality allows us to do it.

That is the reason it seems to me that even setting strong incommensurability of values aside we should not accept balancing – even in the loose sense Waldron proposes – as the figurative method of human rights adjudication. The very imagery of balancing unavoidably carries with it connotations of mathematical precision or at any event alludes to some kind of quantification²², Benthamite or other, and thus tends to neglect any moral reasoning. The result is, as the principle of proportionality proves, to impress upon us the illusion of some kind of mechanic weighing of values similar to that of weighing apples and oranges.

The adoption of a balancing test according to the principle of proportionality entails the risk of neglecting the complexity of moral evaluation, and especially the complexity of rights. More specifically, it tends to overlook, or at least not adequately appreciate, the fact that our moral universe includes ideas that are not amenable to quantification, the result being that these ideas are not given due regard in our reasoning. Most importantly, as I am going to argue, among the moral concepts that this kind of balancing is likely to distort are fundamental individual rights.

These are strong claims and the only way to defend them is to turn our attention to real cases and see how the balancing according to the principle of proportionality unfolds. And there is no better starting point for this purpose than the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, which admittedly is engaging in this kind of balancing.

²² The same Waldron says “[...] “balance” also has connotations of quantity and precision, as when we use it to describe the reconciliation of set of accounts or the relative weight of two quantities of metal”. See Jeremy Waldron, Security and Liberty: The Image of Balance, 11 THE JOURNAL OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 191, 192 (2003).

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II: Proportionality applied

By definition any treaty for the protection of human rights gives priority to rights. Its goal is to protect certain individual fundamental interests not only from arbitrary state power but also from collective interests. So, although accurate, it sounds somewhat strange to say, as did the former President of the European Court of Human Rights, Rolv Ryssdall, that “The theme that runs through the Convention and its case law is the need to strike a balance between the general interest of the community and the protection of the individual’s fundamental rights.”²³ The former President was simply repeating almost verbatim the dictum of the Court that “inherent in the whole of the Convention is a search for a fair balance between the demands of the general interest of the community and the requirements of the protection of the individual’s fundamental rights.”²⁴ There is no doubt that the European Court of Human Rights is engaging in a balancing approach both as method of interpretation and as method of adjudication. This balancing approach known under the term of principle of proportionality “has acquired the status of general principle in the Convention system.”²⁵

Now, one should expect that the Convention itself represents such a balance, the outcome of which must be that human rights are to be protected before other interests are even taken into consideration. If that is so, what does it mean to say that the issue is to strike another balance between the general interest of the community and individual rights? The obvious answer is that the vast limitations contained in articles 8 to 11 (the rights to respect of private and family life, home and correspondence, the right of freedom of thought, religion and conscience, the right of speech, and the right of association and assembly), namely restrictions necessary in a democratic society for the protection of public security, safety, protection of public order, health or morals and the right and freedoms of others²⁶ give rise to new considerations and balancing. The concept of restrictions necessary in a democratic society is supposed to lead to the principle of

²³ R. Ryssdal, Opinion: The Coming Age of the European Convention on Human Rights, EUROPEAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW REVIEW, 18, 26 (1996).

²⁴Soering v. United Kingdom, Judgment of 7 July 1989, para 89

²⁵ P. van DIJK and G.J.H van HOOF, THEORY AND PRACTICE OF THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS, 81 (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1998)

²⁶ The list of restriction is not identical for all four articles. The most extensive restrictions are included in art. 10 (2), while the more lenient are to be found in art 9 (2). Note that Art 8 (2) includes the “interest of the economic well being of the country” as legitimate restriction.

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proportionality, that is, a balancing approach that requires the intensity of the restriction not to be excessive in relation to the legitimate needs and interests, which gave rise to it. “The scale the Court utilizes seems to imply that the more far-reaching the infringement or more essential the aspect of the right that has been interfered with, the more substantial or compelling the legitimate aims pursued must be”²⁷

There are at least two controversial assumptions underlying this approach: first, that as a matter of principle public interests can always be weighted against human rights and second, measures aimed at promoting a public interest may prevail unless they impose an excessive restriction compared to the benefit they secure (the violation seems to depend rather on the intensity of the restriction than on its incompatibility with the right in case).

Let’s see what was the impact of these assumptions in two cases, Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria²⁸, and IA v. Turkey²⁹, which both concerned freedom of blasphemous speech. I find these cases paradigmatic because although there was disagreement between majority and minority on what should be put on the scale (rights or interests), there was nevertheless agreement that a scale should be used and the principle of proportionality should resolve the cases.

In the Otto-Preminger-Institut case a private non-profit art cinema complained about a violation of art 10 of the Convention because the Austrian authorities, at the request of the Diocese of the Roman Catholic Church in Innsbruck, had seized and confiscated a film that was scheduled to be shown to the public. The film Das Liebeskonzil (Council in Heaven) was based on a play written by Oskar Panizza in 1894 which portrayed God, Christ and Virgin Mary plotting with the Devil how to punish mankind and deciding to infect human beings with syphilis. The Devils daughter assumes the task to spread it to the worldly powerful, to the court of the Pope, to the bishops, to convents and monasteries and finally to the common people. Panizza was found guilty of “crimes against religion” and was sentenced to a term of imprisonment in 1895 in Germany. But recent productions of the play were performed and the film was actually showing such a performance that took place in Rome with the addition of some small parts in the beginning and

²⁷P. van DIJK and G.J.H. van HOOF, supra note 25, at.537.

²⁸Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria, Judgment of 20 September 1994.

²⁹İ.A. v. Turkey, Judgment of 13 September 2005.

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the end of the show with comments about the trial of Panizza. The show was depicting God, Christ and Virgin Mary in a diminishing way and contained also some erotic scenes and innuendos. The seizure and confiscation were based on article 188 of the Austrian Penal Law that sanctions the “disparage of a dogma, a lawful custom or a lawful institution of [a] church or religious community”.

The Court (with a majority of six out of nine) held that there was no violation of freedom of speech. At the outset it examined whether the seizure and confiscation of the film constituted interference in pursuit of a “legitimate aim”. It found that these measures were aiming “to protect the right of citizens not to be insulted in their religious feelings by the public expression of views of other persons”³⁰ and thus it came to the conclusion that the impugned measures pursued a legitimate aim under Article 10 (2) of the Convention, namely “the protection of the rights of others”. Then it proceeded to examine whether the measures were “necessary in a democratic society”. It referred to its case law on freedom of speech and its finding that it includes not only “information or “ideas” that “are favourably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that shock, offend or disturb the State or any sector of population (Handyside v. United Kingdom judgment of 7 December 1976)”. But it went on to stress that those who exercise their freedom of speech also undertake duties and responsibilities and “among them – in the context of religious opinions and beliefs – may legitimately be included an obligation to avoid as far as possible expressions that are gratuitously offensive to others and thus an infringement of their rights, and which therefore do not contribute to any form of public debate capable of furthering progress in human affairs”.³¹ Finally, having established that states may sanction improper attacks on objects of religious veneration, the Court proceeded to a final balancing examining whether the seizure and the confiscation of the film were restrictions proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued.

On this final balancing the Court was not unanimous. The majority dismissed various arguments to the effect that many precautions were taken to prevent offending the feelings of the believers. The film was to be screened in a cinema, and was addressed to a specific audience interested in

³⁰Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria, Judgment of 20 September 1994, para 48.

³¹Id. at para 49.

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avant-garde culture, the public was to pay a ticket to see the film, persons under 17 were not admitted, and there was an information bulletin helpfully describing the theme of the film in detail,³² so there was no danger of anyone being exposed against his will to material he would find offensive. The majority reasoned that because the film was advertised and precisely because there was sufficient public knowledge of its content, the expression had been made “sufficiently” “public to cause offence”. Without elaborating the majority accepted the judgment of the Austrian courts that the film lacked any artistic merit that could outweigh the offence to the public and pointing out that the Roman Catholic religion is the religion of the overwhelming majority of Tyroleans (87%) thought that the authorities they did not overstep their margin of appreciation by the seizure of the film wanting to ensure religious peace and prevent that some people feel offended in their religious feelings. On the contrary a minority of three judges out of nine was of the view that the seizure and confiscation of the film far from being the less restrictive solution amounted to a complete prevention of freedom of expression which could be accepted only if the speech was so abusive as to come close to a denial of freedom of religion of others. Arguing that “there was little likelihood […] of anyone being confronted with objectionable material unwittingly”,³³ the minority found that “on balance […] the seizure and forfeiture of the film in question were not proportionate to the legitimate aim pursued”.³⁴

In what follows I wish to focus on two problematic aspects of the decision. The first has to do with the specification of the items that the Court put on the balance and the second with the way the “weight” of those items was compared in the balancing exercise. Let’s take each of these aspects in turn.

a.  What is to be compared?

So before we discuss the balancing stage, let’s see how the Court has structured the case up to that point. There is no need dwelling on the question whether there was interference in the first

³² The bulletin concluded by saying that “trivial imagery and absurdities of the Christian creed are targeted in a caricatural mode and the relationship between religious beliefs and worldly mechanisms of oppression is investigated”. Id., para 10.

³³ Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria, Judgment of 20 September 1994, Joint Dissenting Opinion of Judges Palm, Pekkanen and Makarczyk, para 9.

³⁴Id., para 11.

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place. Nobody can deny that there was an obvious (and I would say brutal) interference with the applicant’s speech-rights. What is more interesting is to examine how the court next inquired whether the purpose of this interference was formally included in the vast categories of restrictions that article 10 (2) provides for. The Court seems to have treated this as little more than a kind of formal inquiry, as mere taxonomy. Thus, for the majority the interference fell under the “protection of the rights of others” restriction. The minority, by contrast, pointed out that “The Convention does not, in terms, guarantee a right to protection of religious feelings. More particularly, such a right cannot be derived from the right to freedom of religion, which in effect includes a right to express views critical of the religious opinion of others” ³⁵ But, and this is really important, although the minority rejects the idea of a right to have one’s religious feelings protected, it does not have any difficulty accepting the proposition that such protection is “legitimate” since “the democratic character of a society will be affected if violent and abusive attacks on the reputation of a religious group are allowed”³⁶. So, regardless of whether limitations of the kind in question are premised on a right or not, both sides agree that “it is necessary in a democratic society to set limits to the public expression of such criticism or abuse”³⁷.

Is it so trivial to affirm or deny the existence of a right? Does it make so little practical difference whether we will decide to ground a limitation of speech-rights on a public interest or on a competing right? Maybe for the balancers it does, since the methodology they will recommend will be the same, whichever way we go. But the truth is that at the level of moral theory at least we do attach great importance to right claims and we do want to distinguish such claims from claims based on mere public interest, so before we go along with the balancers’ suggestion, we should pause to think.

Let’s then see how someone could come to the conclusion that there is a right of protection of religious feelings. The majority inferred it from the right to freedom of religion but since it did not elaborate its reasons for thinking so, we have to reconstruct them ourselves for the sake of argument. Here is how the claim might go. One might say that since I am free to believe in some

³⁵Id., para 6

³⁶Id., para 6

³⁷Id., para 6

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religion and since religious beliefs typically arouse strong feelings, I should be somehow protected from verbal attacks against my religion; if I am not protected, such attacks will hurt my feelings and hence impede my religious life. Against this line of argument we can of course argue, with the minority, that freedom of religion includes the right of others to advocate their own religion and express critical views about my own religious beliefs. The mere fact that there are people who don’t share my religious beliefs may hurt my feelings but I obviously cannot seek any protection against this sort of discomfort without denying others their freedom of religion.

Considerations of the same kind apply to other feelings we may have. We may for example have strong feelings about some political ideas and opposite opinions may deeply hurt our feelings. I may be deeply distressed (terrorized) by the advocacy of the dictatorship of the proletariat but I can’t have any claim to be protected against this kind of distress if I am willing to accept a right to free speech at all. I may have strong feelings about a person. I may be in love with Jennifer Lopez, for instance. But the strength of my feelings for her does not entitle me to any special protection. For instance, it doesn’t give me the right to demand that the press stops gossip on her or publishes provocative photo-shoots.

Of course one could imagine cases where verbal attacks against one’s religious feelings may constitute a genuine burden on the exercise of one’s freedom of religion. Imagine the following situation: A group of non-believers parade every day outside a church shouting inimical slogans against the religion of the believers. But, as so often in law and morality, “context is everything”. In the example just mentioned our moral reaction stems not from the mere fact that someone holds views, whose content can hurt the religious feelings of other people, but rather from the circumstances in which these views are actually expressed with the purpose of intimidating the believers.

This is no more than a rough outline of a much more complex argument that challenges the claim that religious feelings in themselves give rise to a right on the part of those who have them to be protected from the expression of views that may hurt them. My aim in rehearsing it was to show that the existence of such a right must be premised on certain assumptions, themselves

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contestable and in need of argumentative support, about what is worthy of being included in the ambit of a right. When I say that such assumptions stand in need of justification, I mean that they must draw on broader conceptions of the nature of rights and of how an alleged right must fit with other rights recognized in the Convention and with more general moral principles that we happen to hold. These assumptions may prove to be mistaken (as I think they are in the case of an alleged right to have one’s religious feelings protected), the result being that the case for the existence of a certain right must fail.

Now, this form of reasoning lies in stark contrast to the majority’s rather cavalier approach toward the meaning of freedom of religion. However we may choose to characterize it, though, the majority’s approach is in line with one of the basic methodological principles of the balancing approach, which we may call the principle of definitional generosity.³⁸ According to this principle the interpreter assumes a broad definition of what can conceivably count as an instance of the exercise of a certain right. He asks: What can count as expression? What can count as religion? Value judgments about the importance of a right or the salience of one form of its exercise may inform this stage, but not necessarily in any particularly demanding way, the interpreter’s purpose being merely to assess whether a given act or behaviour will be prima facie included within the ambit of a provision safeguarding, say, freedom of expression or freedom of religion. Since the threshold is not demanding, the normative implications that the specification of a right carries with it are correspondingly limited. The interpreter can be generous at the stage of specification, safe in the knowledge that all the crucial normative issues may be deferred to the balancing stage.

But is he really safe? After all, if there is no such thing as a right to have one’s religious feelings protected, then it makes no sense to speak of balance in the first place, since we seem to lack what we are supposed to balance freedom of speech against. This I take to be an embarrassing implication of the balancing method. In response, the balancer can always point to the strictures of the balancing stage as his safety net, but if the balancing stage is supposed to remedy a

³⁸ This generosity fits with Robert Alexy’s theory that “rights based on principles are prima facie rights” in Rights, Legal Reasoning and Rational Discourse, 5 RATIO JURIS 143, 145 (1992). For a full account of his theory see ROBERT ALEXY, A THEORY OF CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS, (translated by Julian Rivers, Oxford University Press, 2002).

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confusion that the balancer’s approach itself has engendered, you start thinking whether it’s better to scrap the approach altogether.

At any rate, as we have said, the issue whether the protection of religious feelings was a matter of right or not did not seem to make much difference anyway in Otto-Preminger-Institut, since the minority considered that it constitutes a public interest worth balancing against the right to freedom of speech. So, let’s now examine whether the principle of definitional generosity is more at home in the specification of the concept of public interest.

While we are familiar with the idea that there are different theories about rights, we sometimes pay little attention to the fact that there are also different theories about the concept of public interest.³⁹ The reason is that we assume that public interest is the interest of the majority and, hence we can tell whether something is in the public interest just by looking at what the elected representatives of the people vote for. The Court seems to favor this understanding, when it assumes that the interest of 87% of the Tyrolese not to be offended constitutes a public interest, stressing that it “cannot disregard the fact that the Roman Catholic religion is the religion of the overwhelming majority of Tyrolese”.⁴⁰

But suppose for a moment that 87% of the Tyrolese hated the Eskimos. Suppose that when Eskimo plays are staged or Eskimo films screened, the ‘overwhelming majority’ of Tyrolese feel stirred by violent feelings of moral indignation and uncontrollable fear. Would we be willing to include protection of these feelings within the ambit of public interest? If not, it is probably because we have to be more discriminatory in our specification of what counts as public interest. We may, for example, want to exclude external preferences to count (that is preferences that people have not for themselves but preferences about how other people should be treated).⁴¹ Unsurprisingly, the set of assumptions that we need to bring to bear in this exercise are very similar to the assumptions driving our specification of rights. Our conception of public interest

³⁹ See Aileen McHard, Reconciling Human Rights and Public Interest: Conceptual Problems and Doctrinal Uncertainty in the Jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, 62 MODERN LAW REVIEW 671 (1999).

⁴⁰Otto-Preminger-Institut v. Austria, Judgment Of 20 September 1994, para 56.

⁴¹  See RONALD DWORKIN’s external preferences argument in TAKING RIGHTS SERIOUSLY (Harvard University Press 1977) 277.

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must incorporate or flow from normative ideas about the relationship between individual and society, the importance of rights in structuring this relationship and so forth.

b.  Balancing in the strict sense

I said earlier that the balancing stage is the balancer’s last ditch. But considering its importance within the balancing methodology, it’s rather surprising to see the dearth of argument that supports the court’s balancing exercise in Otto-Preminger-Institut. Admittedly, once you jettison the idea that values are quantifiable and concede that the weight-talk is no more than a metaphor, it is hard to imagine what shape arguments at the balancing stage must take or, put differently, how we should tailor arguments to fit the balancing methodology.

One of the professed advantages of the balancing approach is its rigor. But rigor is one thing, and elegant formal structures are quite another. Otto-Preminger Institut amply demonstrates that the balancing approach fails spectacularly to deliver what it promises. At the very least, we would expect that the balancing approach would throw some light on the “black box” of comparisons between weakly incommensurable values. What we get instead is a characteristically impressionistic assessment of the relative weights of competing considerations, which does not lend itself to a rational reconstruction of the argumentative path that has led to a particular decision. The reasoning is terse and fails to identify the contribution that different considerations make to the outcome.

The preceding analysis suggests one possible explanation for this opacity. According to the principle of definitional generosity it is perfectly conceivable that items will make their way into the balancing process that are not genuine. Go back to the Eskimo example. I claimed in my analysis of that example that the preferences of the Eskimo-haters should not be taken into account at all. But a balancer would arguably let them play out in the balance. How then would he assign a value to such preferences? Presumably, he would assign them a very low value that would make them easily override able by competing considerations. But that sounds hopelessly ad hoc. It is not that the preferences of the Eskimo-haters should count; only they count for little. It is that they don’t count at all.

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In fact, even in those cases where the court does attempt to specify with more precision the distinct contribution of different considerations, the result it reaches is far from self-evident. Take the following example. The minority in Otto-Preminger Institut held that although some restrictions might be thought necessary in order to further the stated public interest (protection of religious feelings), nevertheless the measures in question (seizure and confiscation of the film) restricted the applicants’ freedom of speech in a manner disproportionate to the benefit thereby achieved. The minority, therefore, meant to suggest that although in principle restrictions on freedom of speech for the protection of religious feeling are legitimate, they ought not to go too far. If a less severe restriction can achieve the same goal, it must be preferred.⁴² At this point, though, one might wonder what a less severe restriction would look like. Here’s one suggestion. The minority seemed to favor taking precautions with regard to the time and manner of expression over seizure and confiscation. But if we take the offense to one’s religious feelings to stem from the mere knowledge that some people are engaging in this kind of speech, then no precautions concerning the time and manner of expression can cure it. The idea that some people may depict my God in a diminishing way can in principle hurt my feelings, whether they do it in private or in public. The only way to be protected from such an offence, it seems, is to restrict that kind of speech altogether. This is not, of course, to suggest that the majority approach is preferable. Rather, it serves to point out that the problem lies less with the severity of the restriction and more with the justifiability of imposing a restriction on the grounds that it offends one’s religious feelings in the first place. By deferring all the crucial judgments to the final stage, the balancing approach clouds the real problem and provides crude resources to resolve it.

One might want to recall the famous Cohen v. California⁴³ case, where the Supreme Court reversed a conviction for disturbing the peace by “offensive conduct”. The offensive conduct of the appellant consisted of being in a courthouse corridor wearing a jacket bearing the words “Fuck the Draft”. Justice Harlan, who wrote the majority opinion, a keen balancer himself, dismissed the possible annoyance of people confronting the four letters word. “Those in the Los

⁴²The test of proportionality, as construed by both the minority and the majority in Otto-Preminger Institut, focuses on an assessment of the necessity of the measure and of whether that measure causes minimum impairment of the competing right.

⁴³403 U.S.15 (1971).

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Angeles courthouse”, he said, “could effectively avoid further bombardment of their sensibilities simply by averting their eyes.”⁴⁴ Gerald Gunther has praised Harlan for his balancing approach, ⁴⁵ but, whatever his balancing technique was, it certainly did not take into account any claim of people aiming to avoid disturbance at the sight of the controversial slogan. Advising these people to avert their eyes, meant simply that they did not have any claim that could weigh on the balancing scale at all. In fact, if their claim enters the scale, I cannot see how it can be outweighed by the right of speech of the appellant.

c. The İ.A. v. Turkey case: Proportionality unraveled

In our analysis of Otto-Preminger Institut we pointed out the failure on the part of the court to carefully articulate the competing considerations and their normative import to the determination of the outcome. I believe that this failure is far from restricted to that particular case. Rather, it permeates the court’s methodological approach. To illustrate this, I want briefly to consider a more recent case, İ.A. vs. Turkey⁴⁶, where the restriction of freedom of speech for the protection of religious feelings was again at issue. The case is interesting, not because it brings out novel aspects of the issue, but rather because it shows how the balancing approach can unravel and produce decisions that are hardly recognizable as adjudicating human rights questions.

The applicant, a publisher, had published a novel (entitled “The forbidden Phrases”) that was printed in two thousand copies. The content of the book contained critical remarks about religion in general and the Muslim religion in particular. The most “provocative” passage was the following:

Some of these words, moreover, were inspired in a surge of exultation, in Aisha’s arms. … God’s messenger broke his fast through sexual intercourse, after dinner and before prayer. Muhammad did not forbid sexual relations with a dead person or a live animal.⁴⁷

⁴⁴Id. at 21.

⁴⁵Gerald Gunther, In Search of Judicial Quality on a Changing Court: The Case of Justice Powell, 24 STANFORD LAW REVIEW 1001, 1006 (1972).

⁴⁶İ.A. v. Turkey, Judgment of 13 September 2005.

⁴⁷Id., para 29.

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The applicant was indicted on the basis of blasphemy (according to a Turkish law that punishes blasphemy “against God, one of the religions, one of the prophets, one of the sect or one of the holy books”) and was convicted to two years’ imprisonment and a fine. The Turkish Courts commuted the prison sentence to a fine, so that the applicant was ultimately obliged to pay a total fine of the equivalent of 16 US dollars.

A majority of the Court (four out of seven) relying on its previous rulings in Otto Preminger constructed the case as a clash between two fundamental freedoms, “namely the right of the applicant to impart to the public his views on religious doctrine, on the one hand, and the right of others to respect for their freedom of thought, conscience and religion, on the other hand”⁴⁸ and “therefore” explicitly engaged in balancing. It held that there was no violation of freedom of speech because the law of blasphemy was a measure intended to provide protection against offensive attacks on matters regarded sacred by Muslims and thus was a reasonable measure meeting a “pressing social need”.⁴⁹

While there is nothing new in the reasoning (except maybe it shows how far the slippery slope argument can reach) it does include some striking thoughts about the fine imposed. Thus, the majority said:

As to the proportionality of the impugned measure, the Court is mindful of the fact that the domestic courts did not decide to seize the book, and accordingly considers that the insignificant fine imposed was proportionate to the aims pursued.⁵⁰

I am not saying that the severity of the penalty should never be a consideration in moral and legal reasoning. In fact, in some cases it makes all the difference in the world.⁵¹ But when we are preoccupied with this form of exercise, we risk losing sight of the battles of principle that

⁴⁸Id, para. 27

⁴⁹Id., para 30

⁵⁰Id, para 32

⁵¹ Questions of legitimacy pertaining to the severity of the penalty have been taken by Mattias Kumm to imply that there is still room for the principle of proportionality, even if we subscribe to a theory of rights along the lines suggested in this article. See his Political Liberalism and the Structure of Rights: On the Place and Limits of the Proportionality Requirement, in LAW, RIGHTS, DISCOURSE: THEMES OF THE WORK OF ROBERT ALEXY

147   (Stanley Paulson & George Pavlakos eds., Hart 2007). From this he concludes that proportionality is still ‘central to the understanding of constitutional and human rights’. Id. at 148.

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human rights law is so intimately intertwined with. We also risk losing sight of the characteristic attitude that recognition of a right is supposed to display and the message it is supposed to convey. Imagine, by way of contrast, what attitude toward individuals the following statement displays: “Why do you make so much fuss over 16 dollars?”

It may, of course, be objected that we can always discard this piece of the Court’s jurisprudence as a grotesque mistake. But even if reference to the fine imposed in I.A. were thought to be an unfortunate mistake, it is still true that the balancing according to proportionality must feel more at home with considerations that seem at least prima facie amenable to some sort of scaling, like the severity of the penalty, and hence that adherents of this approach will tend to privilege such considerations or, at any rate, assign them a role in the reasoning process that they would otherwise lack.

Besides, we can find traces of this type of problematic reasoning in other cases as well. Thus, in F. v. Switzerland⁵² the Court had to evaluate a law imposing a temporary prohibition on remarriage. The Swiss Government defended the law on the basis that it gave a person time to reflect before committing herself to a new marriage. The Court was not convinced that this argument could apply to ‘a person of full age in possession of his mental faculties’.⁵³ This reasoning seems to suggest that the Court rejected the paternalism underpinning the measure wholesale. But the Court subsequently muddled the water when it concluded that ‘the disputed measure, which affected the very essence of the right to marry, was disproportionate to the legitimate aim pursued’.⁵⁴ Should we infer from this that in the Court’s view the temporary prohibition of remarriage served a legitimate aim and that its sole problem was its disproportionate impact on the applicant’s rights? Would the measure be allowed to stand, if, while still paternalistic in spirit, it prescribed a shorter temporary prohibition?

A similar ambivalence affects the Court’s treatment of a number of related issues, notably the scope of the margin of appreciation. This can be seen, for example in Hirst v. U⁵⁵K, which concerned an interference with the Convention right to vote of criminal offenders (Article 3 of

⁵²F. v. Switzerland Judgment of 18 December 1987.

⁵³ Id., para. 37.

⁵⁴Id. para 40.

⁵⁵Hirst v. United Kingdom (No 2) Judgment of 6 October 2005 Grand Chamber.

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Protocol 1 of the Convention). The Court largely bypassed the question whether negating the right to vote for the purpose of ‘enhancing civic responsibility and respect for the rule of law’ and ‘[conferring] an additional punishment’ was an aim compatible with the recognition of the right,⁵⁶ and instead based its judgment that there had been a violation on the fact that the measure impugned, being a ‘blunt instrument’, fell way outside the margin of appreciation accorded Contracting States. It continued: ‘It strips of their Convention right to vote a significant category of persons and it does so in a way which is indiscriminate. The provision imposes a blanket restriction on all convicted prisoners in prison. It applies automatically to such prisoners, irrespective of the length of their sentence and irrespective of the nature or gravity of their offence and their individual circumstances’.⁵⁷ Arguing in this way meant that the Court withdrew from the battle on the general principle without a fight, and instead focused on the more quantifiable aspects of the case such as ‘the general, automatic, and indiscriminate’ nature of the restriction.⁵⁸ Likewise, in Hatton v. UK⁵⁹, a case where the applicants complained that the increase of noise levels from night flights at Heathrow airport deprived them from sleep and thus there was a violation of Article 8 (respect for home, private and family life), the Court was satisfied with the assessment of the balance struck by the national authorities. This balance weighed the conflicting interests of the individual and the economic welfare of community as a whole and came out in favour of the latter. By framing the discussion in terms of interests and relative weights the Court was able to dodge a number of difficult questions that the case raised: Do the applicants have a right to sleep? If so, should it be given priority over the interests of the community? If not, is it the Court’s business to address the applicant’s claim to begin with?

III: Putting human rights back in focus

The balancing approach in the form of the principle of proportionality appears then to pervert rather than elucidate human rights adjudication. On the balancing approach we no longer ask what is right or wrong in a human rights case and instead try to investigate whether something is

⁵⁶Id., para 74

⁵⁷ Id. para. 82.

⁵⁸Id., para 82

⁵⁹Hatton and others v. United Kingdom, Judgment of 8 July 2003 Grand Chamber

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appropriate, adequate, intensive or far-reaching.⁶⁰ This is true not only of the jurisprudence of the ECtHR. It is characteristic of the way of thinking of advocates of proportionality around the world. It is exemplified in the work of David Beatty. In his recent book he has launched a comprehensive and wide-ranging defense of the principle of proportionality as the cornerstone of constitutional adjudication. He has gone so far as to suggest that the best way to interpret the issue at stake in the landmark de-segregation case of Brown v. Board of Education is in terms of a conflict between the harm inflicted on black children from segregation and the harm inflicted on white children from integration. He writes: ‘Telling black children they can not be educated in the same schools as white students is brutally offensive to their dignity and self-worth in a way that forcing whites to share their class-rooms is not. Segregationists may be deeply offended by having to mix with people with whom they want no association, but their stature and status in the community is not diminished by their forced integration’.⁶¹ If we take Beatty’s words at face value, the reason why de-segregation was required by the US Constitution is that the harm on black children outweighed the harm on whites. It would seem to follow from this that if the loss of the whites’ sense of superiority (or self esteem) was greater than the blacks’ loss of self-worth, the outcome would be different.⁶² But this would be an absurd and extreme conclusion that goes against our basic intuitions about the point of human rights. It erodes their distinctive meaning by transforming them into something seemingly quantifiable.

This is due to the very methodology the balancer employs. First, the balancing method does not pay sufficient attention to the specification of the items it purports to place on the balance. It rests content with a prima facie specification of the ambit of a human right or of the public interest that is set against it. I said that this strategy is grounded in the principle of definitional generosity. The motivation behind this principle is that by keeping an open mind about what is to

⁶⁰  The debate between JURGEN HABERMAS, BETWEEN FACTS AND NORMS, 256-259 (W. Rehg trans., Harvard University Press 1996) and Robert Alexy, Constitutional Rights, ‘Balancing and Rationality’, 16 RATIO JURIS 131 (2003) is characteristic on this matter. Alexy summarizes Habermas’ point as follow: “Habermas maintains that the balancing approach takes legal ruling out of the realm defined by concepts like right and wrong, correctness and incorrectness, and justification, and into a realm defined by concepts like adequate and inadequate, and discretion”. at 134.

⁶¹D. BEATTY, supra note 2, at 186.

⁶² Vicki Jackson in her rather friendly book review of Beatty’s book Being Proportional about Proportionality, 21 CONSTITUTIONAL COMMENTARY 803 (2004) raises this point and observes that “proportionality alone cannot provide us with the principled values on which its operational analysis must rest” and concludes that “for those whose foundational commitments are to other values, or to other more formal conceptions of equality, proportionality analysis might yield very different results.” At 829.

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go in the balance, you do not exclude some claims from the outset and hence you do not unduly restrict the range of claims you undertake to consider. But in this way the balancing approach trades inclusiveness for superficiality. The proper specification of the content of a human right is a specification guided by an understanding of its importance, the point in awarding it this unique status; it is sensitive to the important evaluative questions that recognition of a right raises. This involves coming to terms with what we value about that right and firmly placing the right in the constellation of our other political and moral values. In short, it involves a good deal of moral reasoning. This reasoning is likely to be lost when our analysis at the first stage is not fine-grained.

One particularly striking way in which the principle of definitional generosity fails to capture the importance of the items it puts on the scales is by not weeding out at the first stage interests and preferences powered by illicit justifications. There are some types of justification that are not just less weighty than the right with which they conflict. Rather, their invocation is incompatible with recognition of that right. It goes against the very core of what it is that we value in the right. Freedom of speech, which was at issue in Otto-Preminger Institut provides a useful illustration of this point. Before we decide to balance the protection of religious sentiment against freedom of speech, we have to examine whether this goal can ever be ground for prohibiting freedom of speech. But my reason for believing this is not that in such cases religious sentiment loses out in its comparison with freedom of artistic expression; it is that part of what we hold dear about freedom of expression is fatally compromised whenever the state prohibits one view in order to support another. Religious sentiment and freedom of expression can never be put on the scale, whatever we take that scale to be like. The balancing approach, by contrast, reduces conflicts between rights and other rights or the common good to comparisons of relative weight and thus overlooks the justification-blocking function of rights.

Now, of course, this is a controversial claim. Reasonable people (like the majority in Otto-Preminger Institut) would reject the view that religious feelings cannot ever be protected against irreverent speech. They would thus argue that the balancing approach has the advantage of bypassing this disagreement, without denying any claim, however frivolous, its day in court.

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Weak claims, they would go on, are adequately dealt with at the balancing stage, since they will not carry much weight and thus be easily overridden.

In response, the following can be said: Even if there may be room for reasonable disagreement in the case of protection of religious feelings, there are other cases, which self-evidently fit in the category of illicit justification. My example was the feelings of the Eskimo-haters. Does it make sense to say that feelings like those may be allowed to play out at the balancing stage? To say that it does is to miss out on the distinctive moral status that a claim of right presupposes and affirms. We could say, following Dworkin, that this is the status of being entitled to equal concern and respect, or, following Nagel, that it is the status of inviolability.⁶³ However we decide to characterize it, we have an intuitive understanding of its implications in political argument: It removes some issues from the table, or it trumps competing considerations.⁶⁴ The balancing approach, by contrast, is committed to a view, whereby everything, even those aspects of our life most closely associated with our status as free and equal, is in principle up for grabs. This is echoed in Robert Alexy’s famous distinction between rules and principles. Alexy writes that “[r]ules are norms that, given the satisfaction of specific conditions, definitively command, forbid, permit, or empower. Thus they can be characterized as “definitive commands”. [..] Principles […] are commands to optimalize.” [..]They are norms commanding that something must be realized to the highest degree that is actually and legally possible”.⁶⁵ Principles are optimization requirements; they can be satisfied to varying degree that depends on the legal and factual possibilities, while rules are always either fulfilled or not.⁶⁶

⁶³ “The recognition of rights, even if they make more difficult the achievement of a good or the prevention of an evil, expresses that aspect of morality which sees persons not only as objects of benefit and protection but also a inviolable and independent subjects, whose status of the moral community is not exhausted by the inclusion of their interests as part of the general good”. Thomas Nagel, Personal Rights and Public Space, 24 PHILOSOPHY & PUBLIC AFFAIRS 83, 86 (1995)

⁶⁴  See Ronald Dworkin, Rights as Trumps, in THEORIES OF RIGHTS 153 (Jeremy Waldron ed., Oxford University Press 1984).

⁶⁵Robert Alexy, Rights, Legal Reasoning and Rational Discourse, RATIO JURIS 143, 145 (1992). See the critique of JURGEN HABERMAS, BETWEEN FACTS AND NORMS, supra note 60

⁶⁶ For an account of Alexy’s theory see Mattias Kumm, Constitutional Rights as Principles: on the Structure and Domain of Constitutional Justice, 2 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, 574, (2004), STEVEN GREER, 203-13 THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS (Cambridge University Press 2006). For a critique of Alexy’s optimization approach see Kai Moller, Balancing and the Structure of Constitutional Rights, 5 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, 453 (2007)

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In a sense the İ.A. can be characterized as an optimization enterprise. The “light” interference (an insignificant fine) still lets freedom of speech somehow in place while at the same time serving public interest, in other words optimizes the competing values. This idea assumes that human rights guarantee degrees of liberty; the more liberty they guarantee the more the right is affirmed. On the other hand, less severe interferences are not negating the right altogether but accommodate public interest.

This view leads to a complete erosion of the notion of human rights. It overlooks the idea that human rights are not merely quantities of freedom but protect some basic status of people as moral agents. As Dworkin puts it: “If we have a right to basic liberties is not because they are cases in which commodity of liberty is somehow especially at stake, but because an assault on basic liberties injures us or demeans us in some way that goes beyond its impact on liberty, then what we have a right to is not liberty at all, but to the values or interests or standing that this particular constraint defeats”.⁶⁷ One might think that the 16 dollars fine is not a big constrain of the freedom of speech for the Turkish publisher; he may continue to publish controversial books and every time pay an insignificant fine. But there is a way to see this sanction in a much deeper sense: as assault on him as a moral agent who has a right not to be sanctioned because of his ideas.

The balancer may reply to this that it is wrong to view the balancing approach as anything more than a handy heuristic device. Its purpose is not to articulate any deep moral truths or to be faithful in all its detail to our most considered judgments about individuals and their relationship to society. If it helps us find the right answer, it achieves everything it purports to. In fact, the balancer will go on, it has an additional advantage over its rivals: It provides a simple, structured and manageable method to adjudicate human rights issues that doesn’t embroil judges in deep moral questions with all their complexity and contestability –and the legitimacy problems they raise, when they are decided by judges. In this vein, some have pointed out that it is not possible to demand from judges to engage every time in a full-scale moral discourse that calls upon all our basic moral values before they reach a decision. “To expect judges to develop their own unifying theory [….] is simply unrealistic – a task for Hercules perhaps, but not ordinary

⁶⁷ RONALD DWORKIN, supra note 41, at 271

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judges.”⁶⁸ Judge Frank Coffin has made the same claim more emphatically: “When we try to see what would be substituted for all balancing in the areas covered by the first ten and fourteenth amendments, we are told only to ‘give up feigned mathematical precision and objective constitutional science for serious theoretical investigations on the meaning of constitutional language and structure’. We are urged to ‘begin again a lively discussion about the fundamental principles that we believe undergird our political system’. Finally we are entreated to begin to search for new liberating metaphors. As a practicing judge with a backlog of opinions to write and cases to decide, I hope for forgiveness if, pending the result of theoretical investigations of the meaning of the language and structure, I continue to resort to balancing.”⁶⁹

One obvious objection to this line of thought is that a methodology is unlikely to yield correct outcomes, unless it does reflect as far as possible the true nature of our moral concepts. But even if we set this problem aside, we must note that the balancing methodology is no less taxing on the intellectual powers of judges than the full-scale moral argument they want to steer away from. It is noteworthy that, after having disparaged the alternatives as unfit for “a practicing judge with a backlog of opinions to write and cases to decide”, Judge Coffin goes on to explain how balancing must be properly conducted. He suggests two prerequisite qualities (openness – carefulness) and then six stages of balance! The whole process does not sound much easier than the Herculean task of the Dworkinian judge. It becomes easier only if we skip all these and we rush to compare apples and oranges.

It seems to me that it would be a real assault on the vary concept of human rights if adjudication was based merely on the principle of proportionality and we were content with arguing about human rights issues in terms of adequacy or intensity instead of right or wrong. Fortunately, although our judges pay lip service to balancing and proportionality, most of the times it is more than obvious that their judgment in fact relies on moral considerations. In the F. v. Switzerland case for example they made reference to the essence of the right in order to denote that the measure offended the vary heart of what we value in a right as that of the right to marry. More revealingly, even when they cloak their reasoning in the terminology of proportionality, they

⁶⁸McHard, supra note 39, at.681

⁶⁹Coffin, supra note 13, at 22

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often discount certain justifications as incompatible with a certain right before they get to the balancing stage. A characteristic example in this respect is the Court’s decision in Lustig-Prean and Beckett v. UK, where the issue was the compatibility with the right to privacy (Article 8) of a policy to discharge homosexuals from the armed forces in the name of national security and operational effectiveness. The Court ruled that insofar as the ‘threat to the fighting power and operational effectiveness of the armed forces were founded solely upon the negative attitudes of heterosexual personnel toward those of homosexual orientation’,⁷⁰ and ‘a predisposed bias on the part of a heterosexual majority against a homosexual minority’,⁷¹ it could not furnish sufficient justification for the interference with the applicants’ privacy. Obviously, the Court could not exclude off-hand that the existence of such negative attitudes might adversely affect the operational effectiveness of the armed forces. Its insistence on discounting those attitudes stemmed rather from the fact that a state committed to the protection of human rights cannot condone or protect such attitudes or make them the basis of its policies to begin with.

The fact that courts often use the language of balancing and proportionality while, in reality, they engage in substantive moral reasoning has been also noted by authors who take a favorable stance towards balancing. For instance, Julian Rivers, suggests that there are two conceptions of proportionality: one common in continental Europe where rights and public interests are formally indistinguishable (which he favours) and one predominant in the English common law where public interest reasons are treated as limitations on rights and the role of the court is to police those limitations.⁷² His explanation of the role of courts in human rights adjudication within the context of common law proportionality is that "all the court does is maintain an efficiency-based oversight to ensure that there are no unnecessary costs to rights, that sledgehammers are not used to crack nuts, or rather, that sledgehammers are only used when nutcrackers prove impotent".⁷³ But sometimes, Rivers then concedes, the jargon of proportionality is used by courts to denote the existence of an inviolable core of the right at issue: " Finally—and this is less frequently

⁷⁰Lustig-Prean and Beckett v. UK, Judgment of 27 September 1999, para. 89.

⁷¹Id. para. 90. See Mattias Kumm, Political Liberalism and the Structure of Rights: On the Place and Limits of the Proportionality Requirement, supra note 51, where he discusses the Lustig case and points out the reasoning of the court both in terms of proportionality and excluded reasons. But Kumm’s own thesis is that “the idea of excluded reasons complements, but does not replace, proportionality as central to the understanding of constitutional and human rights”. At 148.

⁷² See the discussion in Julian Rivers, Proportionality and Variable Intensity of Review, supra note 20 at 177-182.

⁷³Id. at 180

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observed—the state-limiting conception of proportionality sometimes assumes that there is an absolute minimum to each right, a core content, which may not be violated on any account. This is supposedly defined without any reference to any public interest and is, once again, the preserve of the courts".⁷⁴

It is this last point that poses difficulties for balancers. The position that there is an inviolable core content of the right implies a substantive moral assessment about what is right and wrong. Once we have accepted that this core content cannot be compromised under any circumstances we have left behind the idea that the right at stake can be weighed against competing public interests. Put simply, there is no balance to talk about in the first place. This explains why definitional generosity, no matter how wide we take it to be, can never accommodate certain rights-restricting reasons. To go back to my earlier example about Eskimo-haters, we reject the view that their preferences should be taken into account when deciding whether to prohibit the screening of an Eskimo film not because that would have been an excessive interference with free speech, but because such preferences are altogether excluded from the range of permissible reasons that the state may invoke to prohibit the screening. A court which assumes that there is an absolute minimum to each right is no longer concerned with issues of intensity and degree, and, thus, proportionality. Or, to use the imagery suggested by Rivers, sledgehammers and nutcrackers are irrelevant; the court's concern is to keep the nut intact.

The problem with the rhetoric of balancing in the context of proportionality is that it obscures the moral considerations that are at the heart of human rights issues and thus deprives society of a moral discourse that is indispensable. It may be that our judges are worried about moral disagreement and that is why they try to bypass the moral arguments by masking their reasoning in neutral language. But the best way to resolve our disagreements is to spell them out and openly debate them.

⁷⁴ Id. at 180

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